Key Social Norms Take-aways Female genital mutilation in Mali is upheld by strong social norms tied to identity, tradition, and group belonging. The practice is often seen as a rite of passage and a requirement for girls to be recognized as full members of their community. Being cut is associated with honor, pride, and social acceptance, while being uncut invites stigma, shame, and exclusion. Uncut girls are described as incomplete—neither fully girls nor boys—and face ridicule, marginalization, and rejection from peers, family members, and co-wives. Peer effects are powerful: the likelihood of a girl being cut increases substantially when she lives in a community where many girls are cut, suggesting that conforming to local norms often outweighs individual or even household-level preferences. FGM is also linked to broader normative expectations about female sexuality, morality, and marriageability—reducing sexual desire is believed to support premarital chastity, marital fidelity, and better sexual relationships. These norms are deeply entrenched and collectively enforced, making social sanctions a key driver of the practice’s persistence.

Objectives To conduct a situation analysis of the prevalence, persistence, and changing dynamics of FGM in Mali, identify key decision-makers and influencers, and evaluate programming strategies across six intervention sites.

Methods The study used a mixed-methods approach:

Quantitative analysis of Demographic and Health Survey data (2001–2018), including multivariate regressions.

Qualitative research with 92 respondents across six sites using in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, intergenerational trios, and key informant interviews. Data collection focused on adolescent girls and boys, parents, elders, religious and community leaders, health providers, and traditional circumcisers. A literature review also informed the analysis.

Results FGM remains highly prevalent (89%) in Mali, with most girls now cut in infancy. Type 1 cutting is increasing, while more severe forms are declining slightly. The main decision-makers are female elders, particularly paternal grandmothers, with mothers and adolescent girls having little or no authority. Peer effects, ethnicity, and religion are key predictors of whether a girl is cut. Knowledge about health risks has increased, and some opposition is emerging among youth and returnee migrants. However, stigma and fear of social exclusion continue to drive the practice. Public and private interventions—such as community dialogues, storytelling, radio broadcasts, and religious engagement—have raised awareness but show mixed evidence of behavior change.

Conclusions Efforts to end FGM in Mali must target social norms, engage key decision-makers like grandmothers, and prioritize long-term, community-based strategies. Shifting norms—not just individual attitudes—is essential for sustained behavior change.